Author: lbadmin

As dozens of African migrants traversed the Mediterranean Sea on a flimsy white rubber boat, a small aircraft circling 1,000 feet above closely monitored their attempt to reach Europe.

The twin-engine Seabird, owned by the German non-governmental organization Sea-Watch, is tasked with documenting human rights violations committed against migrants at sea and relaying distress cases to nearby ships and authorities who have increasingly ignored their pleas.

On this cloudy October afternoon, an approaching thunderstorm heightened the dangers for the overcrowded boat. Nearly 23,000 people have died or gone missing in the Mediterranean trying to reach Europe since 2014, according to the United Nations’ migration agency.

“Nour 2, Nour 2, this is aircraft Seabird, aircraft Seabird,” the aircraft’s tactical coordinator, Eike Bretschneider, communicated via radio with the only vessel nearby. The captain of the Nour 2 agreed to change course and check up on the flimsy boat. But after seeing the boat had a Libyan flag, the people refused its assistance, the captain reported back on the crackling radio.

“They say they only have 20 liters of fuel left,” the captain, who did not identify himself by name, told the Seabird. “They want to continue on their journey.”

The small boat’s destination was the Italian island of Lampedusa, where tourists sitting in outdoor cafés sipped on Aperol Spritz, oblivious to what was unfolding some 111 kilometers south of them on the Mediterranean Sea.

Bretschneider, a 30-year-old social worker, made some quick calculations and concluded the migrants must have departed Libya approximately 20 hours ago and still had some 15 hours ahead of them before they reached Lampedusa. That was if their boat did not fall apart or capsize along the way.

Despite the risks, many migrants and refugees say they’d rather die trying to cross to Europe than be returned to Libya where, upon disembarkation, they are placed in detention centers and often subjected to relentless abuse.

Bretschneider sent the rubber boat’s coordinates to the air liaison officer sitting in Berlin, who then relayed the position (inside the Maltese Search and Rescue zone) to both Malta and Italy. Unsurprisingly to them, they received no response.

Running low on fuel, the Seabird had to leave the scene.

“We can only hope the people will reach the shore at some moment or will get rescued by a European coast guard vessel,” Bretschneider told AP as they made their way back.

The activists have grown used to having their distress calls go unanswered.

For years human rights groups and international law experts have denounced that European countries are increasingly ignoring their international obligations to rescue migrants at sea. Instead, they’ve outsourced rescues to the Libyan Coast Guard, which has a track record of reckless interceptions as well as ties to human traffickers and militias.

“I’m sorry, we don’t speak with NGOs,” a man answering the phone of the Maltese Rescue and Coordination Center told a member of Sea-Watch inquiring about a boat in distress this past June. In a separate call to the Rescue and Coordination Center in Rome, another Sea-Watch member was told: “We have no information to report to you.”

Maltese and Italian authorities did not respond to questions sent by AP.

Trying to get in touch with the Libyan rescue and coordination center is an even greater challenge. On the rare occasion that someone does pick up, the person on the other side of the line often doesn’t speak English.

More than 49,000 migrants have reached Italian shores so far this year according to the Italian Ministry of Interior, nearly double the number of people who crossed in the same time period last year.

Although it is illegal for European vessels to take rescued migrants back to Libya themselves, information shared by the EU’s surveillance drones and planes have allowed the Libyan Coast Guard to considerably increase its ability to stop migrants from reaching Europe. So far this year, it has intercepted roughly half of those who have attempted to leave, returning more than 26,000 men, women and children to Libya.

Sea-Watch has relied on millions of euros from individual donations over several years to expand its air monitoring capabilities as well. It now has two small aircraft that, with a bird's-eye view, can find boats in distress much faster than ships can.

Taking off from Lampedusa, which is closer to North Africa than Italy, the planes can reach a distress case relatively quickly if its position is known. But when there are no exact coordinates, they must fly a search pattern, sometimes for hours, and scan the sea with the help of binoculars.

Even when flying low, finding a tiny boat in the vast Mediterranean can strain the most experienced eyes. The three- to four-person crew of volunteers reports every little dot on the horizon that could potentially be people in distress.

"Target at 10 o’clock,” the Seabird’s photographer sitting in the back alerted on a recent flight.

The pilot veered left to inspect it.

"Fishing boat, disregard,” Bretschneider, the tactical coordinator, replied.

In rough seas, breaking waves can play tricks and for brief moments resemble wobbly boats in the distance. Frequently, the “targets” turn out to be nothing at all, and the Seabird returns to land hours later without any new information.

But finding boats in distress is only the first challenge. Getting them rescued is just as difficult, if not harder.

With the absence of state rescue vessels and NGO ships getting increasingly blocked from leaving port, Sea-Watch often relies on the good will of merchant vessels navigating the area. But many are also reluctant to get involved after several commercial ships found themselves stuck at sea for days as they waited for Italy’s or Malta’s permission to disembark rescued migrants. Others have taken them back to Libya in violation of maritime and refugee conventions.

This week, a court in Naples convicted the captain of an Italian commercial ship for returning 101 migrants to Libya in 2018.

Without any state authority, the Seabird can only remind captains of their duty to rescue persons in distress. In this way, Bretschneider recently got an Italian supply vessel to save 65 people from a drifting migrant boat, just moments before the Libyan Coast Guard arrived.

On another mission a few days later, the Seabird returned from its flight without knowing what would happen to the people they had seen on the white rubber boat.

Bretschneider checked his phone at dinner that night, hoping for good news. On the other side of the Mediterranean, 17 bodies had washed up in Western Libya, apparently from a different boat.

The next day the Seabird took off to look for the white rubber boat again, in vain. On their way back, they got a message from land.

The white rubber boat had reached waters near Lampedusa and was picked up by the Italian Coast Guard. The people had made it.

Source: Voice of America

The health outreach workers who drove past Lama Mballow's village with a megaphone handed out T-shirts emblazoned with the words: "I GOT MY COVID-19 VACCINE!"

By then, the women in Sare Gibel already had heard the rumors on social media: The vaccines could make your blood stop or cause you to miscarry. Women who took it wouldn't get pregnant again.

Lama Mballow and her sister-in-law, Fatoumata Mballow, never made the 3.4-mile trip (5.5 kilometers) to town for their vaccines, but the family kept the free shirt. Its lettering is now well-worn from washing, but the women's resolve has not softened. They share much — meal preparation duties, child care, trips to the well with plastic jugs, and their outlook on the vaccine.

"I definitely need a lot of children," said Lama Mballow, 24, who has a 4-year-old son, another child on the way and no plans to get vaccinated after giving birth. And Fatoumata Mballow, 29, struggling to get pregnant for a third time in a village where some women have as many as 10 children, quietly insists: "I don't want to make it worse and destroy my womb."

As health officials in Gambia and across Africa urge women to be vaccinated, they've confronted unwillingness among those of childbearing age. Many women worry that current or future pregnancies will be threatened, and in Africa, the success of a woman's marriage often depends on the number of children she bears. Other women say they're simply more afraid of the vaccine than the virus: As breadwinners, they can't miss a day of work if side effects such as fatigue and fever briefly sideline them.

Their fears are hardly exceptional, with rumors proliferating across Africa, where fewer than 4% of the population is immunized. Although data on gender breakdown of vaccine distribution are lacking globally, experts see a growing number of women in Africa's poorest countries consistently missing out on vaccines. Officials who already bemoan the inequity of vaccine distribution between rich and poor nations now fear that the stark gender disparity means African women are the least vaccinated population in the world.

This story is part of a yearlong series on how the pandemic is impacting women in Africa, most acutely in the least developed countries. AP's series is funded by the European Journalism Centre's European Development Journalism Grants program, which is supported by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. AP is responsible for all content.

"We do see, unfortunately, that even as COVID vaccines arrive in Africa after a long delay, women are being left behind," said Dr. Abdahalah Ziraba, an epidemiologist at the African Population and Health Research Center. "This could mean they will suffer a heavier toll during the pandemic."

The spread of vaccine misinformation is in large part to blame for the gender gap, officials say. Delays in getting vaccines to impoverished countries allowed misinformation to flourish, even in outlying villages where few people own smart phones. And with female literacy a challenge across Africa, women have long relied on word of mouth for information.

Despite the rampant concerns about pregnancy and fertility, there is no evidence that vaccines affect a woman's chances of getting pregnant. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention tracked tens of thousands of immunized women and found no difference in their pregnancy outcomes. The CDC, World Health Organization, and other agencies recommend pregnant women get vaccinated because they're at higher risk of severe disease and death.

In Gambia, like many African countries, AstraZeneca was the only vaccine available initially. Widespread publicity of the links between that shot and rare blood clots in women during a fumbled rollout in Europe set back vaccination efforts. Many Gambians believed the shot would stop their blood from flowing altogether, thanks to poor translation of news into local languages.

Officials also confronted a deep mistrust of government and a belief that Africans were getting shots no one else wanted. Rumors swirled that the vaccine was designed to control the continent's birth rate.

Health officials have since made strides getting Gambian women vaccinated; they now make up about 53 percent of those who've had the jabs, up several percentage points from just a few months ago. But there's been a lag among those of child-bearing age, despite how frequently they're in contact with maternity clinic workers.

Across Africa, officials report similar trends despite lacking wider data. In South Sudan, Gabon and Somalia, fewer than 30% of those who received at least one dose in the early stages of COVID-19 immunization campaigns were women.

In those countries — as elsewhere in the world, especially impoverished nations in parts of the Middle East and Asia — women face other obstacles accessing vaccines. Some need their husbands' permission, or they lack technology to make appointments, or vaccine prioritization lists simply didn't include them.

Dr. Roopa Dhatt, assistant professor at Georgetown University Medical Center, said it's not surprising African women have been left behind, but addressing the problem is urgent. "If they do not get vaccinated at the same rate as men, they will become this pocket for COVID-19, and it will make it more difficult for all of us to get out of the pandemic," she said.

In Gambia, many women begin their day at dawn by starting a fire to cook breakfast, so Lucy Jarju rises and makes her way to the river after morning chores. She and other women spend hours paddling small boats on the open water in search of dinner. The oysters, crab or small fish that are left uneaten will be sold, making up the bulk of their household income.

Jarju, 53, isn't willing to be vaccinated against COVID-19 if it means missing even a day's work. Her husband died a decade ago, leaving her alone to provide for her seven children and three grandchildren.

"Every day I am running up and down to make ends meet. If I go and take the vaccine, it will be a problem for me," said Jarju, who often doesn't make it home until dark, washing dishes before finally heading to bed, ready to repeat her routine the next day. "If my arm gets heavy and I can't go to the water, who will feed my children?"

Jarju said she's gotten other vaccines, but has yet to make the 25-minute trek on foot to the nearest clinic for her COVID-19 shot.

"Maybe later," she demurred, heading off to prepare dinner with her share of the day's catch.

Only about half of the world's 200 countries and regions have reported COVID-19 vaccine data by gender, according to a global tracker at University College London. But since similar scenes play out across this country of 2.2 million people and its neighboring nations, experts fear the worst for women in these impoverished countries.

"In most countries in the world, we just don't have the data to tell us if there is a COVID-19 gender divide," said Sarah Hawkes, director of the Centre for Gender and Global Health at UCL. "But the few numbers that we do have suggest that it's a problem."

Gambia's fate has been intertwined with that of its much larger West African neighbor Senegal, which completely envelops the tiny enclave of a nation except for the coast. Most foreigners arrive by land at checkpoints where no proof of negative COVID-19 results are needed, which allowed the virus to intensify as Senegal faced a crushing third wave.

And the pandemic has devastated the Gambian economy, which is sustained by tourists from Europe and money sent home from Gambians abroad. Gambians now depend more than ever on fishing and farming. Increasing numbers are taking to rickety boats to flee Gambia — which emerged from more than two decades of dictatorship in 2017 — risking death for a chance to reach European countries.

Hawkes said some hope exists that any initial imbalances in COVID-19 immunization rates between men and women continue to even out in Gambia and other countries once they have steady vaccine supplies. In most rich countries where vaccines have been freely available — including Britain, Canada, Germany and the U.S. — there is a nearly even split between the numbers of men and women getting inoculated.

But it's particularly difficult to push vaccines in areas that haven't had explosive outbreaks of the virus, such as parts of Gambia and South Sudan.

"Women here are worried their children will get pneumonia or malaria," said nurse Anger Ater, who works on immunization campaigns in South Sudan. "They are not worried about COVID-19."

Not just a rural problem

Reluctance to the coronavirus vaccine isn't limited to remote villages. At the Bundung hospital in Serrekunda, on the outskirts of Gambia's capital, the situation confounds chief executive officer Kebba Manneh, who has worked there for more than 20 years.

On a recent morning in the hospital's maternity clinic, Manneh asked a group of dozens of expectant mothers how many had been vaccinated against COVID-19. Just one raised her hand.

Footsteps away, other women brought in their babies and toddlers for routine immunizations — measles, diphtheria and tetanus.

"You take your child to get vaccinations. What is so special about this one?" Manneh asked. A pregnant woman pulled out her phone to show him a video claiming a person's body became magnetic after the COVID-19 shot, with a spoon stuck to the arm.

Initially, confusion stemmed from advice against vaccination for many women, said Marielle Bouyou Akotet, who leads the COVID-19 immunization plan in the central African nation of Gabon.

"As we did not know the effect of the vaccine on pregnant women, breastfeeding women and women who want to have a baby in the next six months, we recommended not to vaccinate this category," said Bouyou Akotet, a professor at the University of Health Sciences in Libreville.

That recommendation was updated after several months, but many women in Gabon and elsewhere have still decided to skip vaccination altogether.

"'If I take this vaccine, can I still conceive?'" patients ask Mariama Sonko, an infection control specialist at the Bundung hospital. "We tell them the research says it has nothing to do with that."

But many women listen to stories instead of research. They hear about a woman who miscarried after her vaccination, at 11 weeks, and the fear spreads, even though pregnancy losses are common in the first trimester.

"What makes me afraid is what I heard on social media," said Binta Balde, 29, who has been married for two years and has struggled to conceive. "That if you take the shot, you will not get pregnant."

She's visited the local health clinic and a traditional spiritual healer, who counseled her to swallow pieces of paper with Quranic verses and to drink tea made from herbs to boost fertility.

"When you get married and go to your husband's house, you have to have a child," she said. "If not, he could divorce you or leave you at any time. He may say, 'She cannot give me a child, so I should look for another.'"

The rumors about COVID-19 and fertility have been especially troublesome in predominantly Muslim countries such as Gambia and Somalia, where polygamy is common.

"For Somali women, it means a lot to them," said Abdikadir Ore Ahmed, a health specialist with CARE. "For you to stay in a family and a marriage, it's expected you should be able to give birth to more children. The more children you have, the more acceptance you get."

In Gambia, husbands must give permission for their wives' medical procedures. Most women tell health care workers they won't get the COVID-19 vaccine unless their spouse consents. But few husbands come to prenatal visits — only about half even attend their children's birth at the Bundung hospital.

The hospital recently held an information session for fathers, where Manneh tried to explain the vaccine's proven effectiveness.

"All the pregnant women coming here are not getting the vaccine because the husbands haven't given their authorization," he told the men. "Two of them have died. We are not forcing anybody, but lots of vaccine will expire soon."

Fatoumata Nyabally's job as a security officer puts her at heightened risk of contracting COVID-19, and she hasn't been vaccinated. She's seven months pregnant, but her husband did not attend Manneh's presentation. He's already refused to consent for his wife's vaccination.

So Nyabally declined the Johnson & Johnson vaccine, telling workers: "He's the head of the family, so I have to obey him in anything we do."

Of the 100 women approached that day at the hospital, only nine agreed to be vaccinated.

Source: Voice of America

Claims from Nigeria that the leader of one of the fastest-growing Islamic State terror group affiliates is dead are being met with extreme caution in the United States.

Officials at the White House, Pentagon and State Department said Friday they were aware of accounts that Islamic State West Africa Province leader Abu Musab al-Barnawi had been killed, but some said it was too early to say anything for sure.

"We are aware of the reports but note that unconfirmed reports in the past have proven unfounded," one senior administration official told VOA on condition of anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the situation.

"That said, ISIS-West Africa remains a threat to peace and stability in the region," the official added, using another acronym for the terror group.

Nigeria's chief of defense staff, General Lucky Irabor, first announced the death of al-Barnawi at a news conference in Lagos on Thursday."

I can authoritatively confirm to you that Abu Musab is dead," Irabor said, offering no other details.

Some media outlets suggested al-Barnawi had been killed in clashes with rival factions, but such claims could not be independently verified.

Al-Barnawi is the son of Mohammed Yusuf, who founded the rival terror group, Boko Haram. In 2016, when most of Boko Haram split with Islamic State, al-Barnawi was appointed the leader of the faction that remained loyal.

The U.S. named al-Barnawi a "specially designated global terrorist" in 2018, citing the risk he posed to U.S. national security.

For years, al-Barnawi's IS West Africa had been battling Boko Haram for supremacy in Nigeria and the Lake Chad region. But al-Barnawi's group seemed to finally gain the upper hand in May when its forces surrounded Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau following a battle in the Sambisa Forest.

According to accounts posted online by IS and later confirmed by Nigerian and U.S. officials, Shekau, who, like al-Barnawi, was reported dead multiple times, eventually blew himself up rather than be taken alive.

According to U.S. military officials, Shekau's death has since led to a rapid expansion for IS West Africa.

"ISWA (IS West Africa) has pretty much consolidated the vast majority of Boko Haram fighters," one official told VOA, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss intelligence.

As a result, IS West Africa's ranks have grown substantially, from about 2,500-3,000 fighters to about 5,000 fighters.

Intelligence from United Nations member states has also warned of IS West Africa's growing ambitions.

A report by a U.N. sanctions monitoring team in July said the group was "expected to seek to extend its area of operations towards Maiduguri, Nigeria."

The report further warned that IS West Africa was increasingly targeting "foreign interests" on the border with Niger.

More recent intelligence suggests that in some ways, al-Barnawi's group is succeeding.

IS West Africa "is now a large and very capable presence," the coordinator of the U.N. sanctions monitoring team, Edmund Fitton-Brown, told a security conference in Doha, Qatar, Tuesday.

"(It) also has a, as it were, a spoke or side affiliate known as IS Greater Sahara, which is active to the west broadly in the Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali border area," he said.

Source: Voice of America